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Mexico City, Mexico

The Power of the Dog

Mexico City, Mexico serves two sharply contrasting roles: it is a vulnerable city struck by a major earthquake, and the seat of political power whose institutions are entangled with the Federación and the United States. The city’s buildings, government offices, and private rooms become settings where public catastrophe and private bargains meet. Its importance is not simply geographic. Decisions made in or attributed to the capital shape the drug trade, political survival, and the reach of secret operations across the region.

Setting and the 1985 Earthquake

The earthquake chapter opens in Mexico City on September 19, 1985, with Nora waking in a room on the seventh floor of the Regis Hotel, Mexico City. She has been staying there as the guest of a cabinet minister, who returns to his wife in the evenings and visits the hotel during the day. At 8:18 in the morning, Nora realizes that the shaking is not part of a dream: the room and its furnishings are moving, and she flees into the hallway as the building is damaged.

The novel places the disaster in the city’s particular geological setting. Mexico City stands on the soft bed of an ancient lake, over the shifting Cocos Tectonic Plate, roughly two hundred miles from the Middle American Trench. Earlier earthquakes had occurred along the plate’s northern and southern edges, leaving a central seismic gap that geologists feared would eventually rupture. The disaster converts that long-standing risk into an immediate crisis.

The damage extends far beyond the Regis. In four minutes, 250 buildings collapse, including government offices such as the Secretariats of the Navy, Commerce, and Communications. Hotels in the tourist center fall, neighborhoods including Colonia Roma and Colonia Doctores suffer extensive destruction, and the General Hospital of Mexico and Juárez Hospital are lost. The earthquake is thus not confined to Nora’s escape: it disables parts of the capital’s administration and medical system while devastating residential and commercial districts. The contrast between the minister’s private hotel arrangement and the citywide emergency places an individual’s insulated routine beside a catastrophe that overwhelms ordinary urban life.

Capital of Political Bargains

Mexico City is also the setting for encounters with the political authority that the drug organization seeks to influence. Three days before Christmas, Adán Barrera kneels in Cardinal Antonucci’s private study in the capital and listens as the papal nuncio grants absolution to him and Raúl for their unintended role in the accidental killing of Cardinal Juan Ocampo Parada. The episode distinguishes religious absolution from political protection: Adán reflects that the government has already absolved other killings in advance, as part of the exchange surrounding Parada’s death. A private religious ritual therefore takes place within a larger arrangement of state power and cartel violence.

The capital’s political machinery is implicated in an earlier electoral bargain. Adán knows that the Federación helped the president steal the election four years before. The opposition candidate, Cárdenas, had seemed likely to defeat the Institutional Revolutionary Party, which had governed since the Revolution; then the vote-counting computers supposedly malfunctioned. The account presents the technical failure not as an isolated irregularity but as the means by which an alliance between political authority and the drug organization protected the existing order.

That relationship also appears in the aftermath of the Mexican Peso Crisis. When the Barrera brothers are fugitives, Adán calls Mexico City and finds that none of his Institutional Revolutionary Party connections is available. He understands the silence as a consequence of the arms arrangement involving Tirofio: Art Keller has connected the weapons deal to the FARC and forced the capital to respond. The moment makes political access feel conditional rather than secure. Connections that had supported Adán’s influence can disappear when the arrangement becomes dangerous to the government.

Finance, Influence, and State Response

The novel links the capital’s political authority to a financial operation that magnifies the Federación’s leverage. After the new president takes office on December 1, 1994, two brokerage houses controlled by the organization begin buying tesobonos, or government bonds. The following week, the cartels withdraw capital from the national bank, helping force a 50 percent devaluation of the peso. The Federación then cashes in its bonds and benefits from the collapse, before using its accumulated money to buy devalued pesos and assets. The sequence turns a national economic crisis into a source of private power.

The government’s response deepens the political bargain. The president invites the narco lords to return their money to Mexico to help revive the economy, and Adán accepts only in return for a favorable trade environment. Public declarations about fighting the cartels are therefore set against an expectation that the government will not seriously disrupt their business. The Americans provide the president with a list of Institutional Revolutionary Party figures on the Federación’s payroll; several subsequently receive appointments as governors, transportation secretary, or head of the National Institute to Combat Drugs. The capital’s institutions do not appear merely as passive victims of corruption: appointments and policy become part of the contested exchange.

Mexico City’s anxiety is also visible in its dealings with Art Keller. As the Barrera brothers remain at large, officials seek a reason to believe the campaign against them is progressing. In a meeting with Art, Augusto Rebollo argues that his office could contribute more to the joint struggle against drugs and terrorism if Art shared his inside source on the Barrera cartel. The request shows how law-enforcement cooperation can become a contest over information, and how the capital’s pressure reaches into the relationship between an investigator and an informant.

The City as a Node in Secret Operations

The capital’s reach extends beyond Mexican politics. John Hobbs describes Nicaragua and regional insurgencies as security threats that could spread toward Mexico, using that threat to defend covert intervention. He tells Art that Operation Cerberus comes from the highest authority in the country, presenting secret action as a response to what he portrays as an urgent geopolitical danger. The argument reveals a pattern in which security language helps authorize operations that would otherwise be politically difficult to defend openly.

Sal Scachi’s account of Operation Red Mist gives that pattern an organizational form. Red Mist coordinates scores of operations intended to neutralize left-wing movements across Latin America. Many participants do not know that their separate actions are part of a coordinated campaign; Scachi’s task is to distribute intelligence and assets and prevent operations from interfering with one another. The network includes militias and their drug-lord sponsors, military officers, troops, intelligence agencies, and police forces, as well as the Church. Mexico City is part of the wider political landscape implicated in these operations, rather than merely a distant observer of them.

The contents of Juan Ocampo Parada’s briefcase make the connection explicit. Adán has copied the material and stored it in a safe-deposit box in Grand Cayman. It includes evidence concerning Operation Cerberus, the Federación’s cooperation with Americans in the Contra drugs-for-arms operation, and Operation Red Mist, as well as claims that Mexico City, Washington, and drug cartels sponsored assassinations of left-wing figures in Latin America. The papers also contain evidence of assassinations intended to fix Mexican presidential elections and of Mexico City’s active partnership with the Federación. Adán threatens to send tapes and documents to a Senate subcommittee unless an agreement is reached within thirty-six hours. In the final political contest, the capital is both a source of power and a target of exposure: its arrangements may be protected by secrecy, but they are also vulnerable to records that connect government, covert action, and cartel influence.